The Cine Technician (1953-1956)

136 CINE TECHNICIAN September 1956 We print this month the second of two articles outlining the origins and working of the Co-operative Movement CO-OPS IN ACTION IS the Co-operative Movement simply an amorphous mass of independent organisations? This may be asked for the independence of co-operative societies, and the voluntary character of their respective members, were the themes which ran through my last month's description of the Movement. So, is there any unity at all? Yes, the Co-operative Union is a voluntary association of these different societies. Actually about 97% of co-operative societies in Britain affiliate to the Union. Among qualifications for Union membership is the requirement that the applicant society's objectives must include " the promotion of co-operative principles and ideas ", and " the desire to promote the practice of truthfulness, justice and economy in production and exchange . . ." Annual Congress The Union is governed by an annual Congress, which about 2,000 delegates attend. Congress discusses trading and semi-technical matters as well as broader issues of general policy. Policy democratically decided at Congress is usually accepted by societies but the power of enforcement rests mainly upon the moral authority of the Union. A former Tory parliamentary opponent of mine, no doubt aggravated by his defeat, violently attacked the power of the Cooperative Union, and described it as " enormously wealthy ". This is a fable which is assiduously cultivated by evil-wishers. In fact, though the trading turnover of all the sovereign societies runs into so many hundreds of millions of pounds, the income of the Union is around only £170,000 a year. Considering the enormous administrative work, and technical advice and guidance available to member organisations, through the Agricultural, Legal, Financial, Research, Labour, Publications, Parliamentary, Educational and Research Departments, the Union can be said to be run on a shoestring. Of the total Union income approximately £10,000 a year goes on political activities through the Co-operative Party. It is interesting and relevant to compare this sum with the £38i million paid out in dividends each year, on average, between 1951 and 1954. The Co-operative Party also receives subscriptions from those individual societies who voluntarily decide, at a society members' meeting, to affiliate. Just over 61 r; of societies, with, in 1952, 85% of total individual membership, have affiliated. By Frank Beswick, M.P. They paid to the Party Jd. per member per year affiliation subscription. This totalled £24,311 in 1955. This year Congress agreed to an increase in subscriptions to ^d. per member per year. To the Co-operative Movement, therefore, politics are not expensive. Nevertheless the question is sometimes asked, why a Co-operative Party? The answer is twofold. In Parliament and the political field generally we have good and proper interests to defend and we have definite and distinctive ideas to propound. Is there any friction with the Labour Party? There is occasional controversy but also much mutually advantageous co-operation. There is machinery for policy consultation at national level and a practical working arrangement between local parties in the constituencies. A candidate nominated by the local Co-operative Party, and adopted by the divisional Labour Party, runs at election times as a Co-operative and Labour Candidate. We currently have a group of twenty Co-operative and Labour M.P.s. Each plays his full part in the Parliamentary Labour Party, and they all meet collectively as a Co-operative Party Group. This year I was elected Chairman of the Group after Will Colclnck had served us well since 1945. How and when did the Movement get into politics? The demand for political action goes back many years — into the last century — even though the Rochdale pioneers in 1844 did lay down the principle of political neutrality. Neutrality Not Feasible The fact which emerged was that neutrality was not feasible within a partisan community. The demand for direct political representation came to a head in 1917 following war-time experiences which showed quite clearly that Big Business was quite prepared to use political pressures in order to obstruct Cooperative progress. Discrimination against Co-operative organisations had been apparent in the allocation of rationed foodstuffs, there was prejudice against Co-operative key workers in the operation of the Military Service Acts, and there was unfair application of tax liability. Eternal Vigilance Since those First World War days there has been subsequent evidence that the price of Cooperative expansion, like liberty, is eternal political vigilance. This year the Tories have put the Restrictive Trade Practices Act upon the Statute Book. It embodies legislation which goes some way to curb the activities of the monopolists and price riggers in industry. The Co-operative Movement has been in the absolute forefront of this fight against the monopolies. But into this very Act the Tories have inserted a clause which will enable manufacturers who arc so minded to sue a Co-operative Society in the courts if it pays a cliviiU :n] upon that firm's products. This discriminatory legislation was pushed through against the efforts of Co-operative M.P.s, but there is no doubt, and indeed the Labour Party is pledged to this end, that the offensive clause will soon be wiped off the book. This year, too, there has been an Objectionable clause in the Finance Act which is calculated to injure