Documentary News Letter (1942-1943)

DOCUMENTARY NEWS LETTER APRIL 1942 INDIA -A SECOND CHANCE in April, 1942, the efforts of the Government of this country and the Congress Party of India to reach agreement on a series of proposals put forward by the Cabinet, broke down completely. India had held the headlines during the .days which led up this strange and disheartening event. The names Nehru, Jinnah and Azad were heard in buses and pubs. The people of this country for once took an interest in the vast subcontinent of Hindustan. They knew that Sir Stafford Cripps had become a modern Hercules, although sometimes when they really thought about it, they were not quite certain why he had become so famous, so much a symbol of hope. They knew too, that Nehru had been at Harrow and that it was very hot in Delhi. They were perhaps a little surprised that the only two famous figures whom they really connected with India should not be holding the centre of the stage ■that the Viceroy and the Mahatma were both playing minor parts. But it was all going to be all right. Hercules was there. The excitement was kept up. Hopes ran ,i high. India was going to work with us, to fight with us and to win with us. Even the Japanese ieemed to be helping by bombing Trincomalee and Cocanada almost at the height of the negotiations. There was going to be a new brotherhood, new words of friendship on a :lean slate and equal partnership in a new constitution. Then suddenly everything changed. Within ow [wo days there was a complete collapse. Sir inj Stafford took his much delayed aerial deici 3arture and Nehru talked in a garden. Hercules had failed and, crying "No rela| criminations," was on his way home. It is not the purpose of this article to enquire into the reasons for the failure of yet mother mission, although such an enquiry vould be interesting even if it was also disleartening. One might argue that statesmen J ire elected and paid to do a job for which /ears of training and experience have fitted hem, and that if they continually fail to do heir jobs, they are no more to be condoned || vith than a plumber who connects the water ^ )ipes to the gas jets. In fact, judging by the treams of cold water which are continually 3 )eing poured upon the British people, from , rt ources which should have produced warmli ng flames, it would be a good thing to conider occasionally exactly what sort of 1 (lumbers we have got. But it is more to our purpose at the moment o enquire into and consider the truly appalling roblem confronting our propaganda services i so far as India is concerned. Germany and Japan have not stopped but have redoubled their propaganda efforts, Sometimes India is promised equal partnership, and sometimes she is offered her share of a new Asiatic order. She is also frequently offered the sun, moon and the stars, together with easy recipes for obtaining these alluring objects. These offers do not fall upon deaf ears. The people who listen to them no dcubt do so all the more eagerly because of their recent intense disappointment. They do not necessarily believe them but they would like to believe them and this alone will prepare the ground. It is no good us sitting back and saying that it is India's own fault and it would not be any good doing that whether it were true or not. Like it or not, we must be certain of one thing in the coming weeks, and that is that at least India will not hinder our efforts to fight the Japanese. There must be no repetition of Burma where thousands of Burmess fought against us, preferring Japanese to British domination. And how are to ensure that this shall not happen? What message have we got to give/ to India? Ever since the war started the efforts of many people have been directed to persuading India that she should come into the war. Their efforts have been in vain. War propaganda committees set up in India, the press, the radio, poster and film have done their damndest and failed: India remained unmoved. Propaganda breaks down as it will always break down if it has nothing of the heart to offer. If the problem confronting propaganda was difficult then, consider what it is now. There was always the faint hope in the Indian mind that one day Britain would recognise India's right to independence : ignoring the war was one way of constantly reminding us of that hope, and this did form some sort of a bridge across which a few of our propaganda messages could travel. Now even that link has gone. We were told during the negotiations in Delhi that the eyes of Egypt were on India, and this was doubtless true of Ceylon, the African Colonies and the West Indies. To the whole world it looked like a test case, a test of our good intentions, of our success or failure in giving self-government to the peoples under our flag. To the peoples of our colonies it must have looked like the beginning of a new era. The reaction everywhere must have been profound. We had failed ; and whichever side was to blame it did not make any difference. There would be plenty of voices ready to say that we had never meant to succeed and plenty of people ready to listen. And perhaps it is better so. Who would not rather be thought wicked than stupid? This is a depressing picture. It establishes a fact that cannot be repeated too often and that is that long term propaganda must alw ays have something to say, must carry a message of hope, of promises that can be fulfilled, but it also suggests that we cannot now carry out any effectual propaganda in India and even perhaps in many other places. But surely we have something to say. Our cupboard cannot be quite as bare of hope as one would imagine from the way in which we keep the door so discreetly shut. This is not only a war of defence, of defending ourselves and our possessions and our many, dustv prejudices. Surely it is a war of attack, of a military and a mental assault. Now is the time when the mind must move forward as well as the sword. Already there are signs that perhaps all is not lost. In the news reports, in people's minds, is hope that something may yet be done. After the first shock of disappointment, people have rallied. We have slated that our offer still stands. Indian politicians are said to be having further discussions among themselves. Perhaps something will be agreed upon yet. Now is the time for propaganda to get to work . Ever since the negotiations started it has at last had something to say and, now that they are over, its job is not finished. It can build on the goodwill left behind. Britain has shown a willingness to move forward and even if the step was faltering at least we hope the goodwill was there. Let the propaganda services make the most of their opportunity now, for they can be certain that their opponents are making the most of theirs. By newspaper, radio and lilm India must be constantly assured that the offer still stands and that we are prepared to rediscuss that offer with them. There is no need to wait for something new to be said, there is enough material ready, waiting to be used. And it is good material because, although there is not much of it, it is at least honest. Against the airy castles being built for India by Rome. Berlin and Tokio we can speak in a loud voice to tell India that at least we are looking forward and that we will go on looking forward. Our voice could be stronger than the voices of our enemies because we could offer India and the colonies something better than our enemies can. We could offer them a change of heart.