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I46 LAW AND LOCAL POLITICS
appealing all Hoosier Progressives to "come home" again, his words had a stirring effect, I well remember.
This shift in the currents of party sentiment, sharply stimulated in February of 1914, synchronized with my election as state chairman and the reorganization of the State Committee. It was both our business and our privilege to stimulate chain reactions set in motion by the original Prendergast impulse. This we did in various ways. Get-together efforts started quickly when a joint committee of Progressives and Republicans met in Indianapolis under the auspices of the "Republican Union." In their report they recognized the necessity of a strong opposition party and the fact that the Republican Party, rather than the Progressive, was better equipped to serve the interests of the country as a whole. E. E. Heller, Progressive chairman of the committee, significantly expressed the belief that the purpose of their party had been fulfilled, since "the Republicans are coming to us and propose to give us representation." He maintained that such was all the Progressives were asking for. This sort of thing— men sitting at conference tables and honestly seeking for unity— was tremendously encouraging. Here again it was "Let's get together." But someone had to take the initiative.
We encouraged other forms of amalgamation too. Our open invitations to attend Republican meetings and participate in the proceedings were accepted by many Progressives. In the convention of the Seventh District at least half those attending were ex-Bull Moosers. That spring almost every district convention passed resolutions favoring unity and extended what was tantamount to a formal invitation to Progressives to return, not as prodigal sons, but as active party members ready to work for good government. To show just how far this process had gone, my nomination for re-election to the Second District chairmanship was seconded by a leading Bull Mooser from each county.
By this time some of the older heads, led by our national committeeman, James P. Goodrich, who was soon to be governor— seeing that the time was ripe for a genuine reorganization of the Republican party in Indiana— put it up to some of us younger men to help tackle the job. On Lincoln's Birthday in 1914 the State Committee met, named me as chairman, and then proceeded with the election of new district chairmen. I knew we had a job to do. By the time of the State Convention in April, definite policies had been formulated. To begin with, we decided to hammer on the belief that the best way for citizens to keep watch over a democracy is to have two, not three, political parties, both strong and virile. On the other hand, we sought to convince voters of the integrity of our profession that the rights of all individual members to participate in the party's affairs should be and should remain equally sacred and sacredly equal.
I want to pause long enough here to pay tribute to the great Booker