Report on blacklisting: II. Radio-television ([1956])

Record Details:

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one of these letters from Hartnett. Hartnett stated that if he did not hear from the actor he could only presume he was still high in the councils of the Communist Party. The actor, a man who never took any interest in politics, was stunned. The half-forgotten perform- ance Hartnett resurrected seemed entirely innocent at the time. The Soviet visitors honored at the meeting were on a tour of the United States sponsored by the State Department. The actor merely re- peated a role he played in a radio drama during the war, and he did so at the request of a radio producer. This performer, who sought the advice of a lawyer, also incurred some "unnecessary" expenses. The price he paid hi anxiety about his future was something else again. Hartnett's position on blacklisting is clear: he is for it. Like many others, he balks at the word but accepts the fact. Not long ago he stated his belief that "no provable Communist Party mem- ber or provable collaborator of the Communist Party should work on radio or television." Several questions arise here: the question of Communist Party membership is clear enough, but what is a "collaborator"? The "proof" consists in the kind of citations found in Red Channels, but "collaborator" remains a word open to several meanings. Is signing a Communist-sponsored petition "collaboration"? It could be clearly so, if that was the intention of the signer. But the whole problem of a front is that it is a front and not the real thing; by its very definition, non-Communists are drawn in. In the very begin- ning Red Channels made no distinctions between willing collabo- rators and "dupes" unwittingly brought into the Communist orbit. It could make no such distinction without the ability to read the human heart. The confusion is cleared up, according to Hartnett, when the "dupe," ready to admit his "mistake," lends himself to anti-Communist activity. But Hartnett remains the judge of what is and is not "anti-Com- 97