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campaign to eliminate from employment in the entertainment field persons whose political views he suspects) and ignored his threats of boycott without damage to themselves. To be sure, there were other indications in the interviews with policy makers which confirm the beliefs and views of talent working in the entertainment field with regard to abdicating responsibility for deci- sions, or doing under one's own responsibility what outsiders clamored for. But the point to be made here is that the secrecy surrounding all such decisions leads inevitably to the assumption among some propor- tion of our respondents that concern with decency and fairness for victims of political accusation is foreign to the policy makers. In summary, the psychological themes emerging from that part of the interview which focussed on "blacklisting" are unmistakably, though in a one-sided fashion, related to the general employment situa- tion which confronts the industry's talent. Enthusiasm for their jobs does not influence the views that the persons interviewed take towards "blacklisting". But those features of the general employment situation to which talent objects are closely interwoven with their views on "blacklisting". This is the picture which results, a picture often only intensifying already existing trends: "blacklisting" procedures are met with fear, frustration, a conviction that innocent people are suspected, constriction and cynicism on the part of talent; an unresolved conflict of conscience on the part of management, with a notion that going along with the temper of the times is required if they are to serve the best interest of their clients. The situation is further confused by the fact that responsibility is hard to allocate in a field in which many rela- tively independent units cooperate. Thus, outside pressure groups have achieved a foothold in the situation. And since communication between policy makers and talent is rare and secrecy surrounds many proce- dures, even the deliberate efforts of leaders in the industry to protect talent remain unacknowledged. Thus — in spite of executive concern, thoughtfulness, and conflict of conscience — "blacklisting" procedures continue in the industry. Neither among talent nor among policy leaders is there much con- viction that the national interest is served by "blacklisting" procedures. If the industry as a whole nevertheless complies with what they perceive to be the climate of opinion, other motives are involved: the wish to keep a job and the wish to keep a client. These are strong motives, 255